With its long history of dynasties, a culture deeply influenced by Confucianism, and an increasingly significant political and economic presence, China has emerged as one of the world’s major global powers, presenting itself as a united nation with a highly centralized political system in which power is monopolized by the Chinese Communist Party. However, behind this image of unity lies a reality far more complex and nuanced than appearances suggest, linked to the vastness of the country, which encompasses deep internal divisions of a linguistic, cultural, and economic nature. Among these, one of the most significant is the historical distinction between north and south, which still influences the country’s identities, behaviors, and economic and political dynamics today.
The Great Divide Between North and South
The difference between northern and southern China follows a natural dividing line drawn by the Qinling mountain range and the Huaihe River. This separation is not only geographical but also climatic, as the north is characterized by a colder and drier climate, while the south has warmer and more humid conditions. Geography has profoundly influenced the development of the agricultural economy, leading the north to specialize in wheat cultivation, while the south focuses on rice production. Climatic differences have naturally also affected the lifestyles and social patterns of the two populations. Even today, there are widespread stereotypes according to which northerners are seen as people inclined toward dialogue and direct in their communication, while southerners are viewed as more pragmatic and business-oriented.
The historical period that saw the consolidation of this difference occurred during the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), that is, under the Mongol Empire founded by Kublai Khan, grandson of Genghis Khan. Under Mongol rule, the population was divided into a rigid hierarchy with the Mongols at the top, followed by people who were neither Mongol nor Chinese (referred to as “people with colored eyes”) (Alessandra C. Lavagnino, Silvia Pozzi, Cultura cinese, p. 148), the northern Han, and finally the southern Han, who, occupying the lowest rung of the social ladder, suffered severe discrimination. This distinction immediately contributed to reinforcing a rift already present in the country, consequently fueling friction between the two regions, especially regarding the true heirs of the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), considered one of the dynasties that led China to its golden age thanks to strong economic growth. For this reason, Han identity was progressively adopted as the basis of national identity, as distinct from the identities of peoples outside the Chinese political and cultural sphere, such as the large nomadic groups of the steppes—including the Xiongnu (considered the possible ancestors of the Huns), the Mongols, and the Manchus—and the peoples of Central Asia.
One of the most distinctive aspects is language. While Mandarin prevails in the north as the official dialect, the south is characterized by significant linguistic fragmentation, marked by the presence of numerous local linguistic and dialectal variants. The most widespread of these is Wu, found primarily in the Shanghai area, followed by Cantonese, which differs greatly from Mandarin in both pronunciation and structure.
Over the years, perceptions of identity have solidified among the populations, continuing to influence many of China’s economic, cultural, and social aspects to this day.
What is the economic impact?
The differences between north and south are also starkly evident on the economic front. The north, home to cities like Beijing, has historically represented the political and institutional heart of the People’s Republic of China. Not only are the political, economic, and institutional decision-making centers concentrated here, but also the fundamental symbols of national history, such as the Forbidden City and Tiananmen Square. Cities like Xi’an also reinforce this historical and political centrality, contributing to the emphasis on formality, hierarchy, and institutional authority through its long history as an imperial capital, administrative center, and starting point of the Silk Road. The south, by contrast, has developed a more dynamic economic vision oriented toward trade and exchange, thanks above all to favorable climatic conditions, the presence of navigable rivers, and its access to the sea. The most emblematic example is Shanghai, considered the economic capital of China due to its high dynamism and its status as a leader, especially from a technological and financial standpoint.
Despite the north’s heavy industrialization since the mid-20th century, it is the south that has achieved greater economic prosperity, particularly in the most innovative and IT sectors; while the north retains political primacy, the south has established itself as the economic engine of China. Currently, in fact, the southern regions account for 65% of GDP, compared to 35% produced in the north.
Political Implications
The cultural, ethnic, and economic differences between the north and south are directly reflected in the internal balance of political power. The existence of a single party, the Chinese Communist Party, does not imply a monolithic system; on the contrary, the ruling elite is a continuous interweaving of informal networks and power groups with different origins and priorities. Among these, the “Shanghai Gang,” linked to the figure of Jiang Zemin and formed in the 1990s, embodies a vision centered on the market and economic reforms, helping to further strengthen the economic dynamism of the south. In parallel, there is the “Communist Youth League,” formed during Hu Jintao’s leadership, which instead places greater emphasis on the development of northern regions and the interior through redistribution policies, in order to ensure greater national stability. With Xi Jinping’s rise to power in 2012, there was a greater centralization of power characterized by a strong nationalist and statist vision, leading to a realignment of internal balances.
In this context, the differences between north and south contribute to the persistence of tensions linked to differing needs regarding wealth creation and political control, which are reflected in the constant competition to divide up institutional tools, thereby influencing the national balance.
The concept of tianxia
Beyond the marked differences between north and south, there is an idea that has historically helped unite China: the concept of tianxia (天下), literally “all that is under heaven.” This term, first developed during the Zhou Dynasty (c. 11th century–221 BCE), does not define a state bounded by rigid borders, but rather a hierarchical order with a political and moral center. The dominance of the political philosophy of tianxia was further strengthened under the Han Dynasty, which sought to integrate entire territories and diverse populations under a single centralized political-cultural structure.
In the current context, the Chinese Communist Party assumes the role of control and coordination at the center of the unitary system, for example, by curbing the trend toward greater regional autonomy in order to maintain the overall political balance. There are major strategic projects that reflect this logic, such as the Silk Road, which combines land routes with southern maritime routes, symbolically and materially recreating the space for a unified vision of the country.
The challenge facing the current leadership under Xi Jinping is precisely to demonstrate that the principle of tianxia can still function as a political and ideological glue for modern China.
From tianxia to the proposal for ethnic unity
The concept of tianxia is not confined to a theoretical dimension but finds its application in contemporary policies. Although today 92% of the Chinese population belongs to the Han ethnic group, on March 12, 2026, the People’s Republic of China passed a new law on “ethnic unity,” aimed at strengthening the idea of national cohesion and homogeneity through cultural assimilation, in order to permanently eliminate the differences present across the territory. Among the most significant measures is the use of Mandarin as the sole accepted language not only at the institutional level but also in academic settings. However, this process raises concerns, as while this measure aims to strengthen internal cohesion and stability, it also risks stifling the cultural, ethnic, and social diversity that characterizes the country. In a monolithic system like China’s, where pluralism faces greater difficulties in finding expression than it does in Western democracies, linguistic unification can become a tool of increased control and oppression for diverse local populations.
It is therefore natural to ask: is the suppression of those historical local diversities that have allowed the country to develop in various areas simultaneously truly the only possible way to harmonize the parts and maintain political balance in a system marked by deep internal divisions? The question remains open. For now, China continues to present itself as a unified power in the international system, but beyond appearances, it remains marked by deep and complex internal fissures.